On Independence Day, Do Not Take Indonesia’s Hard-Won Unity for Granted

On Independence Day, Do Not Take Indonesia’s Hard-Won Unity for Granted
Yohanes Sulaiman | August 16, 2011


On Wednesday, Indonesia celebrates the 66th anniversary of its independence. While it is easy to get swept up in the celebrations, the day also brings with it a warning, that a nation’s existence is based on the legitimacy it has with its population. Once a state loses its legitimacy, it is very difficult to regain it.

In November 1947, while visiting Yogyakarta, Charlton Ogburn, Jr., a member of the Good Office Committee representing the United States, was surprised to discover that the young Indonesian republic was popular. The republic was far from what the Dutch claimed it was, and what the United States then believed — an unpopular extremist movement that held the unwilling and docile peasants hostage.

It was surprising because just 15 years before, Dutch Governor General Bonifacius C. de Jonge bragged that the Dutch would rule Indonesia for at least another 300 years. He had reason to boast. In 1932, facing rising nationalism among Indonesians, he began to deal harshly with the movements by exiling many of the “troublemakers” to remote and isolated islands to break their spirits.

His policy was so effective that even Sukarno himself succumbed to the pressure. Historian J.E. Ingleson found that in several letters written between Aug. 30 and Sept. 28, 1933, Sukarno pleaded with the governor general not to be exiled, pledging that he would leave politics. De Jonge, however, ignored the letters and exiled Sukarno and other leaders such as Mohammad Hatta and Sutan Sjahrir.

By the late 1930s, with most nationalist leaders out of the way, the idea of Indonesian independence was virtually stifled. There was no public uproar. Dutch rule was secure.

The quick Japanese victory over the Dutch in World War II, however, completely turned the tables and left a deep impression on Indonesians. In his telegram to Washington, Ogburn reported that the “alleged failure [of the] Dutch to offer any real resistance and servility [of] Dutch internees to [the Japanese] were stressed in every conversation [with Indonesians].”

Ogburn speculated that such a dramatic loss of power was the “most powerful single factor” in causing the Dutch difficulty in restoring control over Indonesia.

He was right. Colonial dominance over Indonesia was legitimized by the idea that the Dutch, as a European power, were far more civilized, advanced and powerful than Asians.

The defeat by the Japanese demolished this myth of Dutch superiority and with it colonial legitimacy. Asians could defeat the Dutch. It was possible, therefore, for Indonesians to resist the Dutch. Such a psychological blow propelled the nascent Indonesian nationalist movement to victory.

While the Japanese encouraged the movement toward independence under the belief that it would help the Japanese in the war, the movement could not have taken hold had the idea of Dutch superiority not been shattered.

The proclamation of independence on Aug. 17, 1945, was conceivable to Indonesia’s founding fathers because the Dutch had lost all legitimacy in the eyes of the majority.

Legitimacy remains important even today. Any government must have it, otherwise it will lose credibility and be overthrown.

Suharto’s collapse in 1998 occurred because the regime was no longer able to justify its authoritarian rule — it could no longer bring prosperity to the people. Moreover, the regime was no longer seen as powerful, chiefly because of the humiliating photo of IMF chief Michel Camdessus standing behind Suharto and giving the impression that the president was signing a document of surrender, and that fed massive and rapid discontent that quickly destroyed the New Order.

Still, in spite of losing East Timor in 1999, Indonesia today enjoys relative stability and a directly elected government. Democracy helps alleviate the problem of legitimacy. This, however, does not mean that Indonesia should be content on Independence Day. There are many clouds ahead.

The simmering problem in Papua is one of them. Thanks to the efforts of the late President Abdurrahman Wahid, fondly known as Gus Dur, the secession of East Timor was not followed by the secession of Papua, as he breathed continued life into the idea of a united Indonesia from Sabang to Merauke. Yet, for the past few years, massive corruption has squandered Gus Dur’s efforts, leaving 83 percent of Papuans mired in poverty, according to the Central Statistics Agency (BPS).

The high rate of poverty among Papuans worsens already poor education and leads to the inability of the government to find enough talent among locals to fill the bureaucratic ranks. This causes more immigrants to come to the area, confirming the fears many locals have of “Indonesian imperialism.”

Moreover, immigrants who lack knowledge of local customs commit many faux pas that further strain relations. This damages the legitimacy of the Indonesian government in Papua.

Worse, even though the Indonesian military has behaved admirably since the beginning of the reform era by attempting to create a professional organization, there are still many bad habits left. There are still soldiers, especially in Papua, who do not know how to behave in a democratic society. The actions by those few unjustly tarnish the hard work that the military has been doing to rebuild its reputation as a pillar of Indonesian unity.

To ensure that Papua remains part of Indonesia, the Indonesian government must rebuild the trust that has been lost. There must be an increase in transparency in Papua. There must also be more social empowerment among the Papuans. The government needs to strengthen civil society, give Papuans more of a voice and the ability to govern themselves. Those who are guilty of corruption and misconduct have to be swiftly brought to justice. This, however, requires strong determination from the central government, not empty promises that undermine legitimacy further.

Thus, the lesson from our Independence Day is twofold. First, it is very difficult to achieve liberty. At the same time, it is also very difficult to rebuild government legitimacy once it is lost. It is time to do something to maintain the unity of Indonesia. Give the nation’s highest honors to those who try their best to maintain our unity.



Yohanes Sulaiman is a lecturer at the National Defense University. He can be reached at ysulaiman@gmail.com.


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